50 Best Dream Of Ding Village Quotes – Translator’s Introduction: The Great Fraud (Da ma bian): A Late Qing Novel about Kang Youwei by Huang Shizhong
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The sadness deepens as I re-read the words of your own obituary from your mock funeral last winter. A banner for the revolution and a writing brush for liberation from evil, you spent all the glorious days of 26 years with it. The hope has just begun that like-minded people will meet each other’s passions, even at the cost of their perfectly good heads. Frustration with the dreamy masses of our vast lands has forced you to be their guiding hand. A mirror to reveal horrors and a wake-up call to wake the world, with these you sought to uplift our 4,000-year-old brilliant race. Before our blood and tears are dry, it’s hard to stop crying because we think how often heroes come. Elegiac couplet composed on the death of HUANG SHIZHONG’s good friend and fellow revolutionary Zheng Guangong (1880-1906):1
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It is unusual for an introduction to a translation to begin with a warning about the original, but in this case one seems correct. As literature,
, is not an outstanding work. Its author, Huang Shizhong (1872-1912), also known as Xiaopei, also known by more than a dozen other ad de plumes, was a Chinese revolutionary committed to the overthrow of the Qing dynasty. published
In 1909, as an attack on Kang Youwei (1858–1927), leader of a rival movement to “protect the [Guangxu] emperor”
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Huang Shizhong and Kang Youwei were contemporaries involved in the political struggle for China’s future in the last decade of the Qing dynasty. They subscribed to opposing agendas, broadly termed “revolution” and “reform.”
Caused ideological and organizational competition abroad. For reasons specific to their lives and careers, Kang is a familiar figure for posterity, while Huang Shizhong is obscure even in the revolutionary lore that marked the fall of the Qing and the founding of the Republic in 1912. as in the statement
). One researcher further calls it an attempt to use fiction as a means of slandering and defaming the enemy from the Tang Dynasty (
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Another goes so far as to declare it a literary failure, lacking the merit to warrant the attention it has generated.
) was complicated by his relentless use of caricature to depict his protagonist as making a stylized mask (
Given Huang Shizhong’s multiple writing profiles as a newspaper and magazine editor-essayist, a novelist, and a political polemicist, the subject is compelling.
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To strong literary analysis, for example by exploring its narrative techniques. From the point of view of literary theory, while such an approach might have merit in itself in a different context, it needs little self-appreciation at this point. At best, this would be a dereliction of duty, which is to present Huang’s novel not as a literary classic, nor as a biographical journey, but as a period document of late Qing politics. Despite its shortcomings (see Roman below),
Kang Youwei is from Nanhai District, Guangdong Province, and received a classical education in his youth that prepared him for the civil service exam. He was catalyzed by the writings of the scholar Liao Ping (1852-1932) before he obtained his provincial and Metropolitan degrees in 1893 and 1895, respectively, turning his attention to the Modern Text.
) tradition. At the same time, he established his own academy in Guangzhou and built a following of students, some of whom remained loyal supporters for the rest of his life. It was the multiple crises of foreign aggression against the Qing state that laid the foundation for his political activism and entry into imperial politics. In this he was assisted by his students, especially Liang Qichao (1837-1929), who took advantage of the new printing power in Shanghai.
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(Chinese Progress [sic]) and by powerful court patrons in Beijing such as ministers Weng Tonghe (1830–1904) and Zhang Yinhuan (1837–1900) who brought it to the attention of the Guangxu emperor (r. 1875–1908). In the summer of 1898, Kang had the closest opportunity to participate in imperial politics, and his name is inextricably linked with the so-called Hundred Days Reform. About half of Huang Shizhong
Based on Kang’s appearance in this famous episode. Against the background of the account given in Huang’s novel published a decade later, it seems useful to consider Kang’s activities during this period.
In early 1898, the Guangxu emperor recognized one Kang Yuwei, who tried to reassert his ideas for a change of policy to strengthen the country after the killing of two German missionaries in Shandong province provoked controversy from foreign powers. For concessions in China. Guangxu probably knew that a small group of court officials, including the aforementioned Weng and Zhang, at one time or another valued and supported Kang. Finally, on June 11, 1898, partly in response to demands recalled by two of Kang’s courtiers, a decree was issued announcing the throne’s decision to revitalize the country through reform. In both wording and substance, the decree reflected the group decision of the electors of the “triple” or “compound” throne, i.e., the empress-consort, the emperor, and some Manchus, which had been in force since the early 1860s. princes and high court officials, especially those serving on the Great Council.
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Although Guangxu was interested in Kang Youwei’s written ideas, he did not appoint Kang to any important position, and he did not meet Kang again after his first and only audience at the beginning of the century.
) Zongli Yamen (Foreign Office), serious assistant, clerical ability. Many explanations are given for Guangxu’s failure to promote Kang, citing Guangxu’s fear of the empress dowager Cixi as the reason. Pitting Kang against Cixi at this early stage raises Kang’s importance or fame out of proportion by suggesting that even Cixi, at the height of his imperial power, should concern himself with someone as lowly as Kang. The court environment was, inevitably, still fraught with concerns about status, rules, and formalities. A more reasonable interpretation is that Guangxu, always mindful of his position as the ruler of the entire Qing domain, tried to keep himself open to all available avenues of thought rather than concentrating on just one. Officials were therefore encouraged to submit their proposals for reform through their superiors, who would surely pass them on to the throne. As a result, Guangxu’s policies during the Hundred Days were based on information from various sources and inevitably seemed piecemeal, even haphazard, rather than connected to a master plan. Guangxu granted Kang Youwei special favors, such as instructing senior councilor Liao Shouheng to serve as a personal conduit for Kang’s memories to reach him.
However, all things considered, it is still a stretch to describe Guangxu’s relationship with Kang in One Hundred Days as “quite” or “very” close (
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Kang Youwei’s strategy under these circumstances was to take advantage of all available opportunities. Apart from the special channel through Liao Shouheng, he submitted memorials to his superiors in Zongli Yamen for transmission to the throne, following the procedure announced by Guangxu. Kang’s other method, the one before the Hundred Days, was to prepare memorials for his courtiers, especially the censors Yang Shenxiu and Song Bolu, who then sent them to the throne under their names.
Indeed, in 1898 they represented the most dynamic force in judicial politics, and some of their proposals were adopted as policy.
Kang Youwei’s aggressive approach has attracted wide attention in official circles. There was an acknowledgment of his power, but also a concern about his spiritual intent (
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). Rumors and rumors abounded. These tended to project Kang’s larger-than-life image and reinforce his exploits almost everywhere and irresistibly. The inconsistency between Kang’s official position and alleged influence puzzled at least Zhang Zhidong, the governor-general of Hunan and Hubei, who closely oversees official affairs in Beijing. In a draft telegram to his son, who was then in Beijing (September 8, 1898), he asks: “Kang cannot enter [the palace]. How can he be a leader?”
Indeed, at no time during the Hundred Days was Kang politically or physically located close enough to become an integral part of imperial politics.
There were also dangers. Kang’s actions were as bold as they were controversial. The non-institutional arrangement through Liao Shouheng, though sanctioned by Guangxu, was eyebrow-raising, even scandalous. Liao himself went by the nickname “Kang’s dog” (Kang’s dog) only reluctantly, as he was nicknamed by some (
Translator’s Introduction In: The Big Cheat (da Ma Bian): A Late Qing Novel By Huang Shizhong On Kang Youwei
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